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Social Forces

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期刊簡介

Established in 1922, Social Forces is recognized as a global leader among social research journals. Social Forces publishes articles of interest to a general social science audience and emphasizes cutting-edge sociological inquiry as well as explores realms the discipline shares with psychology, anthropology, political science, history, and economics. Social Forces is published by Oxford University Press in partnership with the Department of Sociology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

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原版目錄

Climate Change

Another elephant in the room? how energy-intensive lifestyles may undermine the fight against climate change

Lazarus Adua and Brett Clark

Climate change represents a major threat to the world, yet policy responses to it have been tepid and ineffective. Recent dire warnings and more frequent climate-related extreme weather events have stirred greater interest in more assertive responses, mostly around two beloved “solutions or policy areas”—transitioning to renewable energy and energy efficiency improvement. This study investigates whether these solutions lessen carbon emissions. More crucially, it scrutinizes whether they are resilient against consumptive lifestyles, an elephant in the room often ignored by governmental decision-makers. Dynamic fixed effects modeling of cross-national longitudinal data shows renewable energies offer opportunities for reducing carbon emissions, but energy intensity prevents us from realizing their full environmental benefits. We find evidence in our analysis that energy intensity as well as other socioeconomic factors are suppressing the influence of renewable energies on carbon emissions. The analysis also shows that the relationship between national energy-intensity, which taps inefficiency, and carbon emissions is moderated by energy-intensive lifestyles (energy use per capita). This finding suggests reducing energy intensity may offer some reductions in carbon emissions, but such efforts must be paired with reductions in energy consumption per capita.

Immigration/Migration

Life course illegality: how the life course and aging shape the experience of illegality

Isabel García Valdivia

Scholars have studied in detail how immigrants experience illegality in the US. Many have focused on immigrants’ fear of deportation as central to this experience. Their findings center on children, young adults, and working-age adults, ignoring the fastest-growing population of undocumented immigrants, those over 50. This article uses a life course approach to examine how the fear of deportation shifts in late adulthood and introduces a new conceptual model, life course illegality (LCI), to understand the change. First, this LCI model bridges past research on migrant illegality—with a focus on deportability—and ecological-based and age-stratified life course approaches to offer new understandings of how deportation fears shape lived experiences. Then, through semi-structured interviews with older undocumented immigrants, I identify three key mechanisms that shape the shifts in fear of deportation in late adulthood: embodiment of illegality, life transitions, and temporal morality with culturally defined age norms. These valuable insights reveal the complex dynamics of the fear of deportation. Ultimately, I argue that fear of deportation and its consequences are a function of one’s place in the life course and that the LCI model is best suited to understand these shifts.

Evidence for the welfare magnet hypothesis? A global examination using exponential random graph models

Tim S Müller

The welfare magnet hypothesis states that welfare generosity in destination countries is a migration pull factor. However, supporting evidence is mixed. Previous research has focused on explanatory factors in destination countries rather than in origin countries, examined migration from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development country perspectives rather than from a global perspective, and typically ignored that migration flows are not independent, thus overestimating welfare spending effects. We used exponential random graph models to examine migration flows between 160 countries and treated welfare spending in origin and destination countries as the main explanatory variable. Our findings show that social spending attraction effects largely disappear after controlling for various explanatory variables (gross domestic product, population size, geographic distance, democracy levels, and common spoken language). The migration preferences of low- and high-income groups do not mediate social spending attraction effects. Furthermore, flows between countries with similar spending levels are greater than flows between very low- and very high-spending countries, indicating migrant status maintenance. In conclusion, we find insufficient evidence that welfare spending strongly impacts migration.

How public benefits make citizens in Latino mixed-status families: self-efficacy, institutional engagement, and concerted citizenship cultivation

Luis Edward Tenorio

Experiences with public benefits can shape recipients’ feelings (belonging) and enactment of citizenship (e.g., political, civic, or economic behaviors). However, we know less about how undocumented and lawful permanent resident (LPR) immigrants fit within this paradigm. This study, based on in-depth interviews with forty working-poor undocumented and LPR Latina immigrant mothers, reveals striking ways in which mothers described the meanings they attached to the benefits received and the social processes their experiences with benefit programs informed. Many mothers described an increased sense of self-efficacy as mothers and as immigrants, expanded notions of government responsiveness, and shifts in how they understood the citizenship (broadly conceived) of their children based on their experiences with benefits. This was even reported among mothers who used programs often seen as stigmatizing or who had challenges arise in petitioning for benefits. Moreover, mothers conveyed these meanings spurring legal, economic, and civic behavioral adaptations in their lives, deepening their engagement as citizens. They also described how the meanings derived from benefits use produced changes in their parenting practices, describing structuring their children’s time and engagement with institutions, as well as fostering reasoning skills and attitudes meant to benefit their children’s long-term integration. I term such practices concerted citizenship cultivation. For children with legal citizenship, concerted citizenship cultivation focused on developing comfort and entitlement within US institutions, socializing interactions with authority figures, and promoting expanded engagement in society. For children who lacked legal citizenship, concerted citizenship cultivation focused on developing positive identity and deepening engagement within protective institutions.

Gender Inequality

Equality takes work: a process to understand why women still do most of the household labor

Inés Martínez Echagüe

In the United States, widespread support for gender egalitarianism in the household contrasts with the pattern that women continue to do more household labor than men in different-sex relationships. Existing scholarship has revealed the ways in which different-sex couples justify these unequal arrangements. However, we know little about why women do more labor even when they have egalitarian goals and few structural constraints. I address this question by examining whether and how couples attempt to achieve equality and why they so often fail. Data from 40 in-depth interviews with members of 20 cisgender, different-sex, college-educated couples show that, because unequal household labor patterns are so entrenched, having an egalitarian division of labor itself requires work. I theorize and provide evidence for a process I call “equality work,” the work of creating an egalitarian division of labor, which often falls on women. Equality work includes anticipating inequality, strategizing to avoid it, monitoring equality, speaking up about inequality, fixing unequal outcomes, and withholding work. When men don’t strive for equality, women preserve the relationship by doing the labor their partners do not and revising their ideals. Equality work helps us better understand why women do most of the household labor; paradoxically, doing less requires that women work as well. These findings suggest that women are not passively accepting unequal household arrangements but striving to change them.

Does outsourcing of domestic work reduce gender inequality in labor force participation within households?—a couple-level panel analysis

Liat Raz-Yurovich and Assaf Tsachor-Shai

The time devoted to unpaid work in the domestic sphere reduces time devoted to paid work, and this time loss is higher for women than for men. The consumption of domestic services may serve as a mechanism to reduce the burden of unpaid work and to increase the labor force participation rates of men and women. This study takes a longitudinal couple-level approach and analyzes whether the likelihood of working and the number of work hours of male and female partners in households that employed a domestic worker increased after employing the domestic worker, and whether these changes translate into reduced gender inequality in labor force participation within households. Using an analytic sample of 85,282 married heterosexual non-Haredi Jewish couples aged 25–64 from the harmonized panel database of the Israeli Labor Force Survey for the years 2000–2017, and by employing an instrumental variable approach with fixed-effects two-stage least squares models, we find that outsourcing positively affects the likelihood of working and the number of weekly working hours, but only among highly educated women. The increase in highly educated women’s likelihood of working and the increase in their weekly work hours are translated into a reduced gender gap in employment and in work hours, no matter their partner’s level of education.

Race/Ethnicity

“Paper, practice, ancestry, culture”: Racial frames and contested racial/ethnic census categories

Marissa E Thompson

How do individuals and groups frame their appeals to change official racial/ethnic categories and explain their perceptions of the underlying boundaries that such categories reflect? This article draws from the case of revisions to the 2030 U.S. census categories using the universe of the over 20,000 public comments submitted to the federal government in response to proposed changes. Using an integrated computational text analysis and qualitative approach, I find that three sets of strategies characterize the general deployment of racial frames across comments. The first describes the broader characteristics that are perceived to define a given category; the second grapples with the historical and contemporary nature of racial/ethnic boundaries; and the third situates the placement of a given group in the existing racial order. I then examine the use of these strategies in reference to the proposed Middle Eastern and North African category and to the existing Black/African American and Hispanic/Latino categories. Finally, I examine the resonance of particular frames and strategies by illustrating the extent to which they were submitted on behalf of organizations or duplicated widely by individual actors. Together, this study advances our broader understanding of the dynamic nature of racial/ethnic categories and the boundaries that they are perceived to represent.

The changing spatial pattern of metropolitan racial segregation, 1900–2020: the rise of macro-segregation

H Jacob Carlson, John R Logan, Jongho Won

This paper tracks 120 years of Black-white segregation in US metropolitan areas. We draw on comprehensive Census data at consistent small-scale geographies to study segregation trajectories in 219 metropolitan areas since 1900. We update past research to show that total segregation in metropolitan areas peaked around 1960 and has now fallen below its 1930 level. Our major focus is on the spatial components of segregation. We show that two types of macro-segregation—increasing racial disparities between cities and their surrounding areas and rising segregation between communities within suburbia—became substantial only after 1950 and have remained at a similar level since 1960. At that time, micro-segregation (separation between neighborhoods in cities and in suburbia) had begun to fall. Multivariate analyses over time show how suburban fragmentation, socioeconomic differences between Black and white workers, and changes in the size of the Black population were associated with these trends in each component of segregation. The durability of segregation today is largely due to macro-segregation, which by 2020 accounts for nearly half of total metropolitan segregation.

Perpetual encounters: reconceptualizing police contact and measuring its relationship to black women’s mental health

Faith M Deckard, Shannon Malone Gonzalez, Yasmiyn Irizarry, Jaime Feng-Yuan Hsu

Research and media discussion of police contact routinely conceptualize it as time-constrained interactions between officers and civilians. However, extant literature documents preparation for encounters and post-encounter advocacy, which each challenge restricted understandings of contact and, importantly, its relationship to mental health. We introduce “perpetual encounters” to both theoretically and empirically move closer to the temporally unbounded and enduring way that police contact is experienced in black women’s everyday lives. Utilizing a novel, nationally representative dataset on their policing experiences, we explore how mental health is independently and conjointly associated with three dimensions of police contact: preparation, police stops, and advocacy against police violence. Beyond exemplifying how pervasive the police are in the day-to-day lives of marginalized communities, extending the scope of contact recognizes preparation as a significant threat to mental health and advocacy as a health-promoting activity. This study supports moving beyond discrete notions and measurement of police contact to process-oriented understandings and relational modeling.

Educational Inequality

Institutional exclusion: the cultural production of educational inequality through college narratives

Michelle Jackson and Christof Brandtner

Explanations of socioeconomic inequalities in college enrollment focus on college readiness, financial constraints, and information deficits. We provide a cultural explanation of educational inequalities, arguing that disadvantaged students are deterred from applying to high-status colleges because of the shared cultural narratives employed by those colleges—a mechanism that we label “institutional exclusion.” Computational text analyses of college mission statements show that community colleges, for-profit colleges, and four-year colleges draw upon distinctively different cultural narratives. To gauge the causal effect of these narratives on student responses, we designed a survey experiment for a sample of high-school seniors. We find that the career-focused narratives of for-profit colleges are most appealing to disadvantaged students, whereas advantaged students prefer the post-materialist rhetoric of four-year colleges. We conclude that institutional exclusion should be included in sociological discussions of college inequalities and the promotion of diversity in organizations.

Work and Labor

Tainted leave: a survey-experimental investigation of flexibility stigma in Japanese workplaces

Hilary J Holbrow

Scholars posit that the flexibility stigma—a belief that workers who use flexible workplace policies, such as parental and sick leave—exacerbates gender inequality. However, a large body of research argues that the smaller number of men who take leaves face even more severe stigma than women because they violate norms of masculinity as well as the employers’ expectation that employees prioritize paid work. Empirical evidence in support of this claim comes largely from studies that estimate stigma using proxy measures such as leave uptake rates and pay inequality for leave takers. This study tests the gender deviance perspective more directly using survey experimental methods, in a setting where we would expect stigmatization of male leave takers to be particularly high—among workers in four elite firms in Japan. Drawing on data from over 8,000 employees, the results reveal that, even where the male breadwinner ideology is deeply entrenched, men’s leaves are no more stigmatized than women’s. To the contrary, there are no gender differences in stigmatization of sick leave, and women who take parental leave face more severe stigmatization than men. The results undercut claims that men face greater stigma when they take similar leaves as women, demonstrate the fallibility of proxy measures of stigma, and highlight how, in large Japanese firms, women remain doubly disadvantaged by the flexibility stigma.

The wealth returns to a unionized career

Alec P Rhodes

Drawing on power resources theory and life course theories of cumulative advantage, this article examines the wealth returns to a unionized career. Using longitudinal data on the working lives of US Baby Boomers and comprehensive measures of wealth at midlife, I find that the average wealth returns to unionized careers are substantial, exceeding $130,000 for marketable wealth. The average returns to a unionized career are even larger when defined benefit pension ($378,000) and Social Security benefits ($361,000) are included in net worth. Higher cumulative lifetime earnings, enhanced job security, and greater access to employer-provided benefits partially account for the wealth returns to unionized careers. The wealth returns to unionized careers are concentrated among men, workers without a college degree, and those who worked in contexts where unions were more powerful. Results support arguments that labor market institutions bolster workers’ financial security by facilitating wealth accumulation.

Social Networks

Competing social influence in contested diffusion: contention and the spread of the early reformation

Sascha Becker, Yuan Hsiao, Steven Pfaff, Jared Rubin

The spread of radical institutional change does not often result from one-sided pro-innovation influence; countervailing influence networks in support of the status quo can suppress adoption. We develop a model of multiplex and competing network diffusion to describe how competing actors compete through multiple types of networks. Specifically, we hypothesize three types of contested diffusion: market competition, inoculation, and firefighting. To apply the contested-diffusion model to real data, we look at the contest between Martin Luther and Desiderius Erasmus, the two most influential intellectuals of early 16th-century Europe. In the early phase of the Reformation, these two figures utilized influence networks, affecting which cities in the Holy Roman Empire adopted reform. Using newly digitalized data on both leaders’ correspondence networks, their travels, the dispersion of their followers, and parallel processes of exchange among places through trade routes, we employ empirical tests of our theoretical model. We find that although Luther’s network is strongly associated with the spread of the Reformation, Erasmus’s network is associated with the stifling of the Reformation. This is consistent with a “firefighting” mechanism of contested diffusion, whereby the countervailing force suppresses innovations only after they have begun to spread.

Christian Nationalism

Not paying unto Caesar: Christian nationalism, politics, race, and opposition to taxation

Samuel L Perry and Ruth Braunstein

Americans’ views on taxation exercise a powerful influence on political outcomes. Yet these views cannot be solely attributed to partisanship or even racial or economic self-interest. Recent work on the cultural sociology of taxation stresses that Americans’ views on taxes are shaped by their understanding of proper social order. Integrating these insights with burgeoning work on Christian nationalism (representing an idealized ethno-cultural social order), we examine how Christian nationalism corresponds to Americans’ views on taxation and the moderating influences of key social identities. We analyze data from three national surveys containing three different multi-item Christian nationalism indexes and numerous taxation questions. Even after accounting for partisanship, political ideology, religious characteristics, and other relevant correlates, the more Americans affirm Christian nationalist views, the more likely they are to believe their own income tax is too high; favor tax cuts to promote economic growth; oppose redistributive taxes on wealthy persons and corporations; believe the rich pay too much in taxes while believing poorer Americans often do not pay their fair share; and oppose taxes to help the environment. Interactions indicate Christian nationalism’s association with opposition to taxation is often stronger among White Americans compared to Black Americans and most often more pronounced among liberals and Democrats since those on the ideological or partisan right largely oppose taxation regardless of their views on Christian nationalism. Findings extend research on both taxation and Christian nationalism, elucidating relational dynamics at play in the former and clarifying the racialized, partisan, classist, and libertarian nature of the latter.

Order begins at home: Christian nationalism and control over children

Samuel L Perry

Studies have long documented a persistent link between sectarian Protestantism and authoritarian parenting ideologies and disciplinary practices. The current study proposes “Christian nationalism” as a schema that demands civic and social life be ordered according to sectarian Protestant norms, and consequently, a key dynamic in shaping how Americans think about parenting and punishment. Given that Christian nationalism seems rooted within particular community and parenting exposures and is powerfully linked with support for hierarchical gender relationships, authoritarian means of social control, and violence to govern problem populations, I theorize these associations represent a dynamic found not just for society or between couples, but in parenting approaches, specifically in prioritizing children’s obedience over their intellectual autonomy and support for corporal punishment. Drawing on data from the 1996, 2014, and 2021 General Social Surveys, I find Christian nationalism (measured in two ways) is a strong predictor that Americans prioritize obedience in children over children thinking for themselves, and endorse “hard spanking” to discipline children. These associations are robust to controls for numerous religious measures often found in association with these outcomes, as well as relevant political and demographic factors. Tests for interactions reveal inconsistent moderating effects, but among consistent patterns, Christian nationalism makes moderate and liberal Americans indistinguishable from their conservative counterparts on the issue of spanking. Findings affirm Christian nationalism has been and remains linked with prioritizing obedience to authority, deprioritizing independent thought, and endorsing the corrective use of violence, not only just for civil society but also those most vulnerable to coercion.

Community/Urban

When are they insecure? Housing arrangements and residential mobility among families with children

Warren Lowell

Alicia Myles Sheares

A growing proportion of children live in unaffordable, overcrowded, or doubled-up housing, raising concerns among scholars of child wellbeing. These arrangements may affect children through increased exposure to insecure mobility such as frequent or reactive moves. Though scholars consider resource-strained arrangements insecure, the assumption that they lead to insecure mobility is quantitatively untested. Further, demographic theory suggests that these arrangements would lead to purposive moves, which are calculated adjustments to things like costs, space, or independence that have plausibly neutral or beneficial effects for children. I use individual-fixed effects regressions and restricted-access residential histories from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics to assess how living in resource-strained housing predicts exposure to mobility outcomes for children. Consistent with literature on housing insecurity, severe cost burdens and doubling up with non-kin predict higher probabilities of either frequent or reactive moves, and severe overcrowding precedes moves to high-poverty neighborhoods. Aligned with a traditional view on mobility, analyses also suggest that cost burdens, overcrowding, and doubling up lead to purposive moves to less expensive housing, more spacious housing, and more independent housing arrangements, respectively. Together, these findings suggest that housing strains, in the absence of poverty, increase the likelihood of a set of moves that have generally ambivalent implications for children’s life chances. However, families in poverty may lack the resources necessary to make moves that address their housing needs and aspirations. These findings contradict long-held rules of thumb, suggesting a reconsideration of how we collectively define, study, and respond to insecurity.

Federal place-based policy and the geography of inequality in the United States, 1990–2019

Laura Tach, Emily Parker, Alexandra Cooperstock, Samuel Dodini

This paper assesses the growth and spatial distribution of federal place-based policies in the United States. Using a novel dataset of federal place-based policies from 1990 to 2019, we show how the dual forces of fiscalization and financialization have fueled a substantial increase in federal place-based funding to communities via competitive tax credit and grant programs. We consider whether federal place-based funding has been distributed in a compensatory way by prioritizing more disadvantaged communities or whether it has compounded neighborhood inequalities by prioritizing more advantaged communities. We find that federal place-based funding has gone overwhelmingly to communities experiencing economic disadvantage, as intended, but at the same time such policies have compounded other forms of spatial inequality via disproportionate investment in areas with more nonprofit organizations and stronger housing markets. Economically disadvantaged neighborhoods that are spatially embedded within counties with strong housing markets and robust nonprofit sectors received the most federal place-based funding. These organizational and housing market inequities are strongest for tax credit and competitive grant programs, precisely the forms of funding that have grown most over this period. The funding trends reveal a pattern of cumulative advantage, as poor communities with initial funding advantages in the 1990s went on to receive the vast majority of federal place-based funding in the subsequent decades, leading to growing divergence among high-poverty communities in the distribution of federal place-based resources over time.

Corrections

Correction to: Review of “When Rape Goes Viral: Youth and Sexual Assault in the Digital Age”

Social Forces, Volume 104, Issue 3, March 2026, Page 1232, https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf080

Correction to: Review of “At Home in the City: Growing Old in Urban America”

Social Forces, Volume 104, Issue 3, March 2026, Page 1233, https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf112

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《中國社會學學刊》（The Journal of Chinese Sociology）于2014年10月由中國社會科學院社會學研究所創(chuàng)辦。作為中國大陸第一本英文社會學學術期刊，JCS致力于為中國社會學者與國外同行的學術交流和合作打造國際一流的學術平臺。JCS由全球最大科技期刊出版集團施普林格·自然(Springer Nature)出版發(fā)行，由國內(nèi)外頂尖社會學家組成強大編委會隊伍，采用雙向匿名評審方式和“開放獲取”(open access)出版模式。JCS已于2021年5月被ESCI收錄。2022年，JCS的CiteScore分值為2.0（Q2），在社科類別的262種期刊中排名第94位，位列同類期刊前36%。2025年JCS最新影響因子1.3，位列社會學領域期刊全球前53%（Q3）。

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