龔鵬程對(duì)話海外學(xué)者第八十六期：在后現(xiàn)代情境中，被技術(shù)統(tǒng)治的人類社會(huì)，只有強(qiáng)化交談、重建溝通倫理，才能獲得文化新生的力量。這不是誰(shuí)的理論，而是每個(gè)人都應(yīng)實(shí)踐的活動(dòng)。龔鵬程先生遊走世界，并曾主持過(guò)“世界漢學(xué)研究中心”。我們會(huì)陸續(xù)推出“龔鵬程對(duì)話海外學(xué)者”系列文章，請(qǐng)他對(duì)話一些學(xué)界有意義的靈魂。范圍不局限于漢學(xué)，會(huì)涉及多種學(xué)科。以期深山長(zhǎng)谷之水，四面而出。

彼得·曼德勒教授（Professor Peter Mandler）

劍橋大學(xué)現(xiàn)代文化史教授

龔鵬程教授：您好，我特別想聽您再闡述一下“英國(guó)性”。

彼得·曼德勒教授：龔教授，您好?！坝?guó)性”可以指許多不同的東西——文化景觀的獨(dú)特特征或民族認(rèn)同感，或基于個(gè)人國(guó)籍而賦予其的特征。它經(jīng)常被非常松散地用來(lái)挑出任何可能與這個(gè)特定國(guó)家有關(guān)的特征——例如雙層巴士或“家鄉(xiāng)諸郡”景觀或1970年代電視上的某種喜劇節(jié)目——然后這被說(shuō)成是 "典型的 “英國(guó)人”。

但說(shuō)到“典型”，卻可能沒有什么真正的理解。典型表現(xiàn)在什么方面？每個(gè)人的典型特征？在所有時(shí)期？ “代表”性？也許這所謂的“典型”可能只是一些獨(dú)特的東西，然后其使用者想把它們吹成更普遍和永久的東西。

'Englishness' can refer to many different things - distinctive features of the cultural landscape or a sense of national identity or features attributed to individuals on the basis of their nationality. It is often used very loosely to single out anything that might be distinctive about this particular nation - e.g. double-decker buses or 'Home Counties' landscape or a certain kind of comedy show on TV in the 1970s - and then this is said to be 'typically' English, without any real understanding of what 'typical' might mean. Typical in what way? Typical of everyone? At all periods? 'Representative'? Or just something distinctive which the user then wants to blow up into something more pervasive and permanent.

龔鵬程教授：在“英國(guó)性”的研究方面，您自己覺得最特別的貢獻(xiàn)是什么？

彼得·曼德勒教授：我自己的貢獻(xiàn)主要是專注于“英國(guó)性”的一個(gè)方面，即關(guān)于 “國(guó)民性”的思想。這個(gè)思想意味著一個(gè)國(guó)家的所有成員都有一些基本的心理特征。由于英國(guó)在20世紀(jì)之前一直是一個(gè)等級(jí)森嚴(yán)的社會(huì)和政體，國(guó)民性的概念主要被民主人士充分接受，他們?cè)噲D為被排除在選舉權(quán)之外的廣大公民的國(guó)民氣節(jié)提出主張。 (在此之前，許多談?wù)?"國(guó)民性 "的人實(shí)際上只是在描述精英階層的特點(diǎn))。

只有到了20世紀(jì)，這種思想才得到了更廣泛的傳播。即使在那時(shí)，關(guān)于精英階層的舊觀念也必須進(jìn)行"改造"，以適應(yīng)更廣泛的人群。

自20世紀(jì)60年代以來(lái)，多元化和個(gè)性化已經(jīng)成為英國(guó)文化的一個(gè)固定組成部分，人們?cè)絹?lái)越不愿意接受他們的個(gè)人“性格”是由某種集體，至少是國(guó)家力量決定的。但如上所述，它仍然吸引著人們以一種隨意的方式來(lái)開玩笑，而不去認(rèn)真研究其前提。

My own contribution has been principally to focus on one aspect of 'Englishness', that is the idea of 'national character'. This idea implies that all members of a nation share some fundamental psychological traits. Because England was a hierarchical society and polity until the 20th century, the idea of national character was embraced to its full extent mostly by democrats who sought to make claims for the national integrity of the mass of the citizenry excluded from the franchise. (Before then many people who talked about 'national character' were in reality only characterising the elite.) Only in the 20th century did the idea become more widely diffused. Even then older ideas of elite character had to be 'retrofitted' to suit a wider population. Increasingly since the 1960s, pluralism and individuality have become so much a fixture of English culture that people are less and less willing to accept that their individual 'character' is determined by some collective, least of all national force. But as above it remains appealing to people to joke about this in a casual way without seriously examining the premises.

龔鵬程教授：關(guān)于英國(guó)性的研究，與百年前流行一時(shí)的“國(guó)民性研究”有何關(guān)系？

彼得·曼德勒教授：這方面有幾個(gè)浪潮。 其一是戰(zhàn)時(shí)對(duì)“英國(guó)人”的研究浪潮，主要是由歐洲大陸人士進(jìn)行的，正如我在上面所說(shuō)的，這是由英國(guó)民主的出現(xiàn)以及對(duì)英國(guó)不尋常的地緣政治狀況的認(rèn)識(shí)所刺激的，特別是相對(duì)于法國(guó)和德國(guó)而言。

另一個(gè)浪潮出現(xiàn)在20世紀(jì)40年代，當(dāng)時(shí)人類學(xué)家試圖將他們?cè)凇霸肌鄙鐣?huì)的文化形成理論應(yīng)用于“現(xiàn)代”社會(huì)，以便將其應(yīng)用于第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間（Ruth Benedict對(duì)日本人的研究是最著名的）。

這并不順利，因?yàn)樵诶鋺?zhàn)時(shí)期，把國(guó)家看作是不同的、被大的意識(shí)形態(tài)集團(tuán)所控制，人們對(duì)其沒什么興趣。

There have been several waves. One was an interwar wave of studies of 'the English' mostly by Continental European figures, stimulated as I say above by the advent of democracy in Britain and also by awareness of Britain's unusual geopolitical situation especially vis-a-vis France and Germany. Another wave came during the 1940s when anthropologists tried to apply their theories of cultural formation in 'primitive' societies to 'modern' societies, for use during the Second World War (Ruth Benedict's study of the Japanese being the most famous). This didn't work out well, as in the Cold War there was less interest in seeing nations as different, overwhelmed by the big ideological blocs.

龔鵬程教授：中國(guó)人的國(guó)民性批判，是從日本轉(zhuǎn)過(guò)來(lái)的，經(jīng)由魯迅的提倡或發(fā)揚(yáng)，影響中國(guó)人心理和社會(huì)發(fā)展巨大。英國(guó)性的研究，也有類似的情況嗎？

彼得·曼德勒教授：如上所述，我自己并不相信 "國(guó)民性"實(shí)際上決定了數(shù)百萬(wàn)人的個(gè)性。但那些相信國(guó)民性的人對(duì)國(guó)民性的傳統(tǒng)看法也是由外國(guó)人的批評(píng)（或贊揚(yáng)）形成的，特別是在我提到的那個(gè)戰(zhàn)時(shí)時(shí)刻。其中至少有一本是由中國(guó)作家林語(yǔ)堂寫的《中國(guó)說(shuō)——帶著微笑：關(guān)于英國(guó)人的智慧和幽默》。

我很欣賞國(guó)民性這個(gè)具有相當(dāng)大文化影響力的概念，我知道人們?cè)谛睦砩闲枰惶锥ㄊ剿季S來(lái)理解這個(gè)世界。但是，旨在涵蓋數(shù)百萬(wàn)人的思維定式在實(shí)踐中很少是有用的或現(xiàn)實(shí)的。

例如，英國(guó)作家和外國(guó)人對(duì)英國(guó)人的許多刻板印象只適用于（如果有的話）過(guò)去的某種中產(chǎn)階級(jí)對(duì)家鄉(xiāng)諸郡家庭——僵硬的上唇、得過(guò)且過(guò)、孤僻，等等。我甚至不確定有多少年輕人甚至不再擁有這些刻板印象。大多數(shù)年輕人對(duì)與個(gè)人或同齡人群體有關(guān)的身份類別更感興趣。

“國(guó)民性”具有政治功能，所有關(guān)于國(guó)家的概念化也是如此。歷史學(xué)家?guī)资陙?lái)一直在寫國(guó)家觀念的政治功能，“國(guó)民性”有一些具體的功能——它是為了讓人民密切參與，把他們的個(gè)人特征與國(guó)家聯(lián)系起來(lái)——但同樣地，相對(duì)于基于愛國(guó)忠誠(chéng)象征的對(duì)國(guó)家的松散理解，它使用起來(lái)就沒那么容易。

As above, I am not myself a believer in 'national character' as actually determining millions of people's personalities. But conventional views of the national character among people who did believe in it were also shaped by foreigners' criticisms (or praise), especially in that interwar moment I mention. At least one of these was by a Chinese author, Lin Yu-Tang, 'China Speaks - With a Smile: Wisdom and Humour about the English'.

I appreciate national character as a concept with considerable cultural clout, and I know the psychologically people need stereotypes to make sense of the world. But stereotypes that are meant to cover so many millions of people are rarely in practice either useful or realistic. For example, many of the stereotypes of Englishness embraced by English writers and by foreigners apply only (if at all) to a certain kind of middle-class Home Counties family of yesteryear - the stiff upper lip, muddling through, insularity, and so on. I'm not even sure how many younger people even possess these stereotypes any longer. Most younger people are more interested in identity categories that are individual or peer-group related.

‘National character’ has political functions; so do all conceptualizations of the nation. Historians have been writing about the political functions of ideas of nation for decades and decades; 'national character' has some specific functions - it's meant to engage the people intimately, by associating their personal characteristics with the nation - but by the same token it's not as easy to use as looser understandings of nation based on symbols of patriotic loyalty.

龔鵬程，1956年生于臺(tái)北，臺(tái)灣師范大學(xué)博士，當(dāng)代著名學(xué)者和思想家。著作已出版一百五十多本。

辦有大學(xué)、出版社、雜志社、書院等，并規(guī)劃城市建設(shè)、主題園區(qū)等多處。講學(xué)于世界各地。并在北京、上海、杭州、臺(tái)北、巴黎、日本、澳門等地舉辦過(guò)書法展。現(xiàn)為中國(guó)孔子博物館名譽(yù)館長(zhǎng)、美國(guó)龔鵬程基金會(huì)主席。